The late US VP Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was seen as one of the most powerful incumbents of that office in American history. Whereas countless vice-presidents had to settle for marginal or symbolic functions, Cheney exercised enormous influence during the administration of George W Bush, to the point that he was frequently referred to as the "real president".
Bush resented that description and claimed the connection was more complex. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, consistently referring to him in public as Mr President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush disputed even characterisations of their relationship as a partnership because it implied that they were equals. Despite such protestations, Cheney viewed the relaxed president malleable on a wide array of governmental choices.
The Period Following the Attacks
At the head of a contingent of neo-conservatives that encompassed Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been taking part in a meeting at a elementary school in Florida. While Bush made his way to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, commanding the downing of any unresponsive aircraft nearing the US Capitol.
Cheney claimed the attacks altered his perspective, leading him to become intent on retaliation. In conjunction with other neo-cons, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a occupation of Afghanistan in an endeavor to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the military action of Iraq, even though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Disputed Decisions
He showed no remorse about the military campaign, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis perished, nor about the enhanced interrogation of detainees apprehended after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was based on misleading information circulated by Cheney, was the correct path to take. "It was the right thing to do at that time. I had faith at the time and I hold that view presently."
Yet even at the time, there were dissenting voices at a high level about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the administration's own delegates to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the post. "I witnessed, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "true dereliction, carelessness, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, deception, unfitness, and graft."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely accountable for the Iraq military action. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for such action. He had composed a document detailing situations in which American interests might be compromised (including "availability of essential resources, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the US should be prepared to take unilateral action when collective action cannot be orchestrated," particularly mentioning military moves against Iraq.
Bush too had assumed the presidency somewhat determined on implementing what his parent had notably declined to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Following he had been sacked by the White House, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his plan of reducing America's engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and proposed armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush bore a personal grudge against Saddam, believing he had been responsible for a conspiracy to murder his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He also objected to that one of the biggest establishments in Baghdad had a ground design with a likeness of his predecessor's face that everyone had to tread upon.
Interrogation Methods
However it was Cheney who was part of the most vehement advocating attacking Iraq, repeatedly quoting agency briefings that were both insubstantial or totally misleading. He endorsed what the Bush White House politely called as "advanced techniques", the employment of interrogation method and harsh treatment.
Answering a Senate document in 2014 that found that no useful information had come from the torture, Cheney rejected the findings as "riddled with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to establish protocols and establish initiatives to catch the bastards who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it never happened again. That is precisely what they did and they earn a lot of praise."
External Perception
Cheney reveled in nicknames assigned to him by critics such as the Star Wars villain and the dark figure, and by the idea that he was a sinister influence directing Bush. In the journalist's 2013 book about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Is it me who is the malevolent mastermind in the shadows that nobody ever sees leave his domain? This represents a effective way to function, truthfully."
Business Interests
Debate over his corporate affiliations followed him throughout his time as vice-president. Although he had minimal expertise in corporate affairs but good contacts in defence, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial oil and gas companies, in 1995 as chair and chief executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's running mate for the White House. Debatably, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was given US agreements worth multiple billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His yearly compensation during his period at the firm grew from his $258,394 when he was Pentagon chief to $4.4m. When he resigned in 2000 he had a package worth in excess of $20m|twenty
